Profile: City council candidate Wang Chung-ming
http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/feat/archives/2014/11/12/2003604220
By Ho Yi / Taipei Times Staff reporter
Environmentalist. Anti-nuclear proponent. Openly gay. The profile of Wang Chung-ming (王鐘銘) reads like a description of a real liberal. But that didn’t get him elected when the political hopeful first ran for the office of the city council in New Taipei City as a nominee of the Green Party Taiwan (GPT) in 2010.
“Four years ago, we told everybody that we were young, full of ideas and passion. And that we wanted to bring about real changes. But it was just empty talk,” the 35-year-old Wang says.
Real changes do not come from championing ideas, as the candidate has learned. A textbook-perfect political platform on environmental protection, sustainability and social justice will remain empty if it lacks knowledge gained from experiencing local ways of life.
Having spent the past four years getting to know locals, Wang decided to join the Nov. 29 nine-in-one elections this year and run for the 1st constituency in New Taipei City, which comprises the Shihmen (石門), Sanjhih (三芝), Bali (八里) and Tamsui (淡水) districts, for the second time.
FROM SLOGAN TO ACTION
Wang’s political enlightenment began in 2006 when he and several other bloggers and internet pundits helped out with the election campaign for the Green Party candidates for the office of city council. The fact that what he deemed a “very successful public relations campaign” didn’t get the candidates anywhere near the public office led Wang to conclude that cyber advocacy, as powerful as it may appear, doesn’t necessarily translate into votes. Shortly after, the then-art magazine editor joined the GPT.
In 2010, Wang was among the party’s five nominees to run for city council in Taipei. Agriculture appears at the highest level on his political agenda, and the environmental activist/novice candidate frequently took part in sit-ins and street demonstrations against several high-profile construction projects, including the Suhua Freeway (蘇花高速公路) and Tambei Expressway (淡北道路, Tamsui-Taipei Expressway). However, his street activism also drew criticism from fellow activists and NGO workers who thought that by concentrating only on issue-advocacy campaigns, Wang overlooked the importance of working with local residents and groups to gain a deeper understanding of their issues.
For the past four years, grassroots outreach has been a top priority for Wang, who says that after the 2010 election, residents in his constituency would often come to him, for problems ranging from disputes over tree-cutting to the preservation of an old street.
In 2012, Wang worked with local residents to organize the ongoing campaign against the Construction and Planning Agency’s proposed phase-II development of Tamhai New Town (淡海新市鎮) in Tamsui, which plans to seize about 1,200 hectares of land, with most of the targeted area being farmland, forcing more than 1,600 households to relocate. The experiences with grassroots organizing, handling bureaucracies and influencing policy process have helped Wang to break out of the realm of ideas and enter the real world.
“Before, I didn’t know how to make my way into the countryside. The case of Tamhai New Town has helped me to develop a support base in the suburban areas of Tamsui. With the locals, it is all about emotional bonding. If you help them, they will support you no matter what,” he says.
INTO THE PROVINCES
With its progressive political views and platform, the GPT has often been criticized for being unrealistic and appealing to a limited demographic that is mostly urban, highly educated and information-savvy. The result of Wang’s 2010 election clearly reflects the tendency. Out of the 8,321 votes Wang received, more than 7,000 came from Tamsui, the most urban among the four districts. According to Wang’s own analysis, he received a 5 to 10 percent average voting ratio in urban commercial districts. In smaller communities mainly consisting of old residential apartment buildings, the voting ratio is 5 percent. In rural areas, the figure drops to 2 to 3 percent, and sometimes less than 1.
Wang has discovered that attending local religious event is an important way to meet community leaders, whether it is during deity statues’ “inspection tours” (繞境), traditional pudu (普渡) ceremonies or temple festivities such as bandoh (辦桌), a type of Taiwanese outdoor banquet.
“When there is a temple pilgrimage or bandoh, I am there, shaking hands and introducing myself,” he says.
Door-knocking is another way to reach out — Wang has trekked through numerous villages, rural communities and hamlets, visiting one household at a time.
“In the city, we can probably reach out to 100 people in 10 minutes by making a public speech and handing out flyers,” the candidate said. “In the countryside, I ride my bike for an hour, and there are only 20 households along the roadside. It takes a lot more time. But it allows me to not only meet with local residents but learn about their communities and what they think.”
The visits have helped Wang and his team to gain a better understanding of the various cultures, environments and sociopolitical compositions in different areas. Take Shihmen for example — though Jinshan Nuclear Power Plant is located there, anti-nuclear activists have had limited luck in garnering support from local residents. This is because it is a relatively affluent area where inhabitants are mostly seniors, as the majority of youth have moved out for work. Residents in Bali, on the other hand, have many things to complain about regarding their polluted environment, which Wang addresses on his political agenda.
Chatting with locals brings knowledge about their lives, and it can help the GPT gradually break its limits as an urban political party, Wang says.
Meanwhile, Wang’s anti-development stance has inevitably created a lot of enemies. When he successfully helped to nullify an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) report for the proposed Tamsui-Taipei expressway construction project last year, many were furious, accusing him of being autocratic.
“I can understand people’s anger and frustration. It is exactly how we feel when the government does something which we believe is wrong,” Wang reflects.
He adds, “Dealing with emotions is much harder than participating in the debate about ideas. Part of a politician’s job is to communicate with people. And that is something I need to put more effort into.”
Taiwan Power Co’s (Taipower) application to the Atomic Energy Council to extend the lifespan of the Jinshan Nuclear Power Plant shows that President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) promise not to extend the life of the three operating nuclear power plants is just another broken promise, a lawmaker and antinuclear activists said yesterday.
The criticism came as Minister of Economic Affairs Chang Chia-juch (張家祝) and a section head from the council’s Nuclear Regulation Department, Chang Shin (張欣), appeared before the legislature’s Economics Committee yesterday.
Chang Shin told lawmakers that Taipower has approached the council about its application to extend the life of the Jinshan Nuclear Power Plant in New Taipei City’s Shihmen District (石門) and was asked to submit additional data.
Asked if such a review went against Ma’s promise not to extend the lifespan of the three operating plants, Chang Shin said: “Energy policies are made by energy-related agencies, and the Atomic Energy Council is in charge of monitoring nuclear safety. Taipower postponed its operation extension application [made in 2009] on its own, so it has the right to resume it.”
During a press conference on energy policy on Nov. 3, 2011, Ma said that Taiwan would steadily move toward the goal of reducing nuclear power and would not extend the lifespan of the three operating nuclear plants.
Democratic Progressive Party Legislator Cheng Li-chun (鄭麗君) said that as the Jinshan plant’s spent fuel pool is almost at full capacity, extending its lifespan would be neglecting the life and property of the more than 7 million people who live in the Greater Taipei area.
Cheng said the Executive Yuan has previously claimed that several countries have found final repositories for their high-level radioactive wastes, including spent nuclear fuel, but very few countries have finalized their decisions.
Even if they have finalized their decisions, it would be impossible for them to accept Taiwan’s spent nuclear fuel, she said.
Only Sweden and Finland are still planning to establish nuclear waste final repositories, but Finland’s laws stipulate that “nuclear wastes that are not domestically produced shall not be handled, stored or permanently disposed of in Finland,” she said.
There is not a township in Taiwan that is willing to accept nuclear waste and the government is lying to the public with its claims of “international cooperation” and “treatment across national boundaries,” she said.
Taipower chief nuclear energy engineer Chai Fu-feng (蔡富豐) said that although Finland’s final repository for high-level radioactive wastes in Olkiluoto Island, Eurajoki cannot accept Taiwan’s raw spent nuclear fuel, there are still many possibilities for Taiwan’s high-level radioactive waste treatment after processing in the future.
The International Atomic Energy Agency encourages international cooperation in dealing with nuclear waste, although no specific plan has been reached, he said.
Meanwhile, Green Citizen Action Alliance deputy secretary-general Hung Shen-han (洪申翰) said trying to extend the lifespan of the three plants “is the Ma government’s expression of pro-nuclear power and a completely regressive step.”
Wang Chung-ming (王鐘銘), of the Northern Coast Anti-Nuclear Action Alliance, said the government is trying to use the extension of the three plants’ to hide that it lacks the ability to decommission the plants or deal with nuclear waste.